MC Abdul Rahuman of Weligama - Sri Lanka

M C Abdul Rahman

Honourable Muhammad Cassim Abdul Rahman, Merchant, Reformer, Legislator, Leader
Muhammad Cassim Abdul Rahman, son of Fathima (& Cassim Bhoy), the daughter of the renowned Qutb Sheikh Ismail Yamani who is interrred by the side of the Weligama mosque, married Khadija, daughter of his maternal uncle Qutb Sheikh Yehya Al-Yamani, also known as Hajiar Appa of Matara. Qutb Sheikh Ismail and Qutb Sheikh Yehya are reverred by many Muslims in the southern province as saints even until today.

Abdul Rahman began life as a businessman, both in the Colombo Fort as a mercer of silk and soft goods in Pettah, and as a purveyor of groceries for homes. He had a large clientele, mainly, because of his fair dealing in business. His head was erect because his honour was perfectly above board at all times. He owned shipping vessels for the transportation of the goods that he imported. SS "Rahmaniya" was a vessel named after him. The more he earned the more he distributed to deserving cases and laudable causes. That was Abdul Rahman, the Merchant.

The “White Horse” building at Chatham Street, Fort, in Colombo was the head office of his business empire. He had a distribution center at Pettah, in Colombo, and a warehouse complex at Slave island, also in Colombo. The British firm of darley Butler & Company acted as one of his agents in those times.

His activities became well known and recognized by all. He was nominated to a seat in the Colombo Municipal Council in 1876 to look after and promote the interest of the local Ceylon Moors (Muslims). He made such an impressive mark, that, while a Counsellor he was also appointed as an unofficial Municipal Magistrate. The Moors of Ceylon of the time, incoherent though, yet made calls for representation in the Legislative Council to which Abdul Rahman was appointed on October 29, 1889, as the first Mohammedan member, by Governor Gordon. His indispensability received such recognition, that, at the end of his five year term, he was re-appointed for a further five years by Governor Havelock. However, he did not live long enough to fulfil that extended term.

During that period appointed members were generally more or less stooges of the British Colonial rulers and were silent warmers of their seats. Abdul Rahman was different. In proposals or debates that concerned the nation or his own community, he spoke out his heart with an earnestness that evoked sympathy and understanding. The Hansard of December 1894 is replete of references of the concern Abdul Rahman, the Reformer, showed towards the community.

The Moors of the time were lagging behind even in matters of their social and educational life. These were spheres where Abdul Rahman felt that urgent action was necessary. He had much to speak but little to add to what he strongly urged for necessary inclusion of amendments to the Marriage Registration Ordinances No. 8 of 1886 and No. 2 of 1888, whereby Muslim marriages would also be registered. Until then "Kadutham" of the Katheebs was the only feeble form of documentary evidence, available, of Muslim marriages. Compulsory registration of Muslim marriages in a legalized form was the brainchild of Abdul Rahman. Even more, he urged that in cases where specified fees could not be levied or collected, the imposition of such fees be waived. His thinking was so meticulous even to such detail.

Female Muslim education was, wrongly, held to be foreign within the fold of Islam, by the Muslims of Ceylon. A very few female adults received some form of education in what was called "secluded" schools. But that was far below the standard. Abdul Rahman, with vision and foresight, spoke out his mind, urging special provision for the education of female Muslims, when the question of female education was discussed at the Legislative Council. Thus, he was the pioneer of Muslim female education in Ceylon. He was also responsible for the appointment of female doctors and vaccinators to cater to the needs of Muslim women. His insistence ultimately resulted in the Colonial Secretary authorizing half the cost of the building for the first Mohammedan Girls School in Colombo, in 1898.

Abdul Rahman married Khadija, the second daughter of his maternal uncle, Hajiar Appa. He was also a multi-linguist proficient in Tamil, Sinhala, English, Arabic, Urdu and Pharisee. He underwent a strenous education in Islam, Islamic Law and culture. He lived at "Icicle Hall", at 532, Galle Road, Kollupitiya, Colombo 3, a symbol of social stature and prestige. "Icicle Hall’ was later renamed to "Sri Kotha" where the United National Party purchased it from its new owners to whom M.C. Abdul Rahman had sold it to, in order to set up their new headquarters. The "Mumtaz Mahal" at Kollupitiya, now the official residence of the Speaker of Parliament, was also owned by M.C. Abdul Rahman, and years later, his great grandson, Muhammad Haniffa Muhammad, was destined to occupy the sprawling mansion as the Speaker of the House of Representatives, during the period 1989 to 1994. The "Rhineland" at Colpetty, a mansion at the site of the present Central Theatre at Maradana, and three houses at Grandpass were some of his other bungalows. He also owned the stretch of land from Kanatte to Borella, including the present Kanatte burial grounds, up to Rajagiriya, which served as his grass fields.

Abdul Rahman was always nattily dressed in Shalwar and Khameez over which he wore a long coat, Jutha on his feet and a richly embroidered Surat Cap. He used to ride in a twin-horse carriage. He owned a fleet of horse carriages of different structures. On ceremonial ocassions he rode a special carriage drawn by apair of his choicest horses with two footmen colorfully dressed in attendance. The Kahatahena Estate at Galagedara in Padukka, where the Ceylon Refractories is presently located, was specially used by him for rearing his horses.

Abundant affluence did, however, not bar him from serving the economically-weaker sections of the society, and, especially among those belonging to the Muslim community. A highly religious personality he was a great philanthropist who generously helped a large number of Mosques, Schools and other Muslim institutions as well as needy individuals. Al Mahadul Bukhariyul Khadiriyah Jumma Mosque at Layards Broadway in Colombo was built by him and managed under his personal supervision and control.

MC Abdul Rahman possessed one of the finest collection of books on Unani Medicine and specialized in spiritual healing. He also went on to play a major role in the Muslim Society in Ceylon at a time when the community was a badly neglected and hopelessly backward one.
Abdul Rahman was so engrossed in his service to the people that he found very little time to devote to himself. Frail in frame, yet, strong in spirit, he carried on the difficult task with many sacrifices, the hallmark of true leadership. Strangely, he had at heart a penchant for the welfare of the female more than the male. Yert it was quite natural. As a devout Muslim he had been taught that "Paradise lies at the feet of the Mother". That had been his inspiration.

The strain and stress of his crowded program of daily services told on his health and he passed away, during the middle of his second five year term in the Legislative Council. That was Abdul Rahman, the Leader, an example for all times. He passed away peacefully on June 12 1899 and his remains were interred at the Maligawatte Muslim burial grounds.

Abdul Rahman was blessed with four sons and three daughters, viz;
Abdul Majeed, Safia Umma, Ummu Habeeba, Ne’math Umma, Abdul Azeez, Muhammad Ismail and Izzadeen.

Abdul Majeed, who married Safia Umma, had two daughters and two sons. One son passed away at an early age. His eldest daughter, Jariath Umma, married OLM Levana Marikar, a leading light in Colombo’s world of commerce. Jariath Umma’s second daughter, Ummu Hafeera (second bed), married NHM Abdul Cader, Colombo Municipal Councillor and later member of the Legislative Council (father of Jabir A Cader).

Abdul Majeed’s second daughter, Muhusina, married YM Naina Marikar JP, also a prominent figure amongst the Muslim Community and the business world of that era. Amongst Muhusina’s nine children are NMM Bishrul Hafi JP, a well known Muslim social activist, and NMM Izzeth Hussain. Izzeth Hussain was the first ever Muslim to join the Ceylon Overseas Service and the first ever Muslim career diplomat to rise to the highest position in the Foreign Service by holding the position of Director General of Foreign Relations in the Ministry of Foreign Affairs in the 1980’s. He was also the Ambassador to the Russian Federation and the Commonwealth of Independent States, based in Moscow.

MC Abdul Rahman’s third son, Muhammad Ismail, was an active social worker who took a keen interest in religious and educational activities of the Muslim Community. The British Governor bestowed on him the titular honor of Mudaliyar for his exemplary social service. He was also the Managing Trustee of the Maradana Mosque and Honorary Secretary of the Colombo Muslim Educational Society. Mudaliyar Ismail married twice, Hajara Umma – a first cousin of Sir Razik Fareed – and Ummu Ayesha. His son MACA Abdul Rahman functioned as the Principal of Hameed Al Hussaini Maha Vidyalaya, one of the prominent government Muslim Schools in Colombo, for many years.

MC Abdul Rahman’s fifth child, Abdul Azeez, maternal grandfather of MH Muhammad, was a successful businessman and was affectionately known as “Prince Charming”. He did not seek public office. Yet, the British Government bestowed on him a titular honor. Azeez played a quiet role in the Muslim community, helping religious and educational institutions in an effectively constructive way. He was generous in his charity and helped the needy, regardless of their race, religion or ethnicity. He preferred silent service and avoided publicity.

Abdul Rahman’s youngest son, Muhammad Izzadeen married Muthu Natchiyar but had no issue.

The Sri Lankan Muslim Community gratefully remembered MC Abdul Rahman when his portrait was unveiled by J R Jayawardene, the then leader of the opposition, at the Moors’ Islamic Cultural Home Auditorium at Colombo Fort on June 13, 1975, on the occasion of his 76th death anniversary.

On January 21, 1987, the then Prime Minister, Ranasinghe Premadasa, unveiled a portrait of MC Abdul Rahman at the Colombo Town Hall under the patronage of B Sirisena Cooray, the Mayor of Colombo.

In December 1989, MC Abdul Rahman’s portrait was unveiled at the gallery of the Parliament of Sri lanka at Kotte-Sri Jayawardenepura, by President Premadasa, on the occasion of the cventenary of Abdul Rahman’s entry into the Legislative Council as the first ever Muslim Member. MH Muhammad, his great grandson, was the Speaker of the House at this time.

http://slmuslim.blogspot.com/2006/03/al-qutb-al-sheikh-ismail-al-yamani-al.html?m=1

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Alhaj Dr. T.B. Jayah (Plus*) And National Unity

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I am extremely privileged to deliver this Oration on the 122nd Birth Anniversary of Alhaj Dr. T.B. Jayah on the invitation of the Conference of Sri Lankan Malays, whose President Alhaj T.A. Azoor has devoted much of his energy and time in fostering the concept of Bersatu (unity) Keikhalasan (sincerity) and Pengorbanan (sacrifice), and also in perpetuating the memory of that great National hero the late Dr. T.B. Jayah.

Dr. Jayah devoted his entire life for his community and the Nation in the struggle for obtaining Independence to Ceylon, to forge National Unity and communal harmony among all citizens, to develop the educational standard of the whole country by wholeheartedly supporting the policy making and implementation of the Reforms enunciated by the Board of Education of the State Council under the leadership of the Father of Free Education, Dr. C.W.W. Kannangara, and particularly to improve the overall standard of the Muslim community by providing political leadership, educational direction and the path for social regeneration.

Very early in life he had remarked that one should be "prepared to scorn delights and live laborious days not for the sake of filthy lucre, not even for mere vanity of name and fame, but for greater ideals of service." This, he fulfilled positively and in full measure, was evident in an expression of gratitude by Dr. A.M.A. Azeez, whom Jayah had personally chosen to succeed him as Principal of Zahira College, Colombo to continue his services of twenty seven years in taking Zahira to the zenith as the ‘radiating centre of Islamic thought and activity.’

In a speech delivered in 1914 at the Ceylon Muslim Association on the topic of ‘Education and National Progress’, seven years before he became the Principal of Zahira, Jayah said that "it was only by the revivifying influence of English education that the Muslim community would be brought to a position of intellectual elevation, social efficiency and political power….To achieve this end, who is to be the Sir Seyed Ahamed Khan of Ceylon? Who among our leaders will follow in the wake of that renowned Indian leader? He need not necessarily be a child of Western culture, for Sir Seyed Ahamed was not. But he must certainly be fearless in his actions, disinterested in his motive, inspired by a mighty purpose and ready to dare and even die in the cause he espouses. If such a one there be, he will doubtless go down to posterity as the savior of the Muslims of Ceylon."

This question was answered after 36 years in 1950 by A.M.A. Azeez in the following words: "Mr. Jayah posed this question in 1914 and today in 1950 we say without any hesitation and with one accord that the Hon. T.B. Jayah is that Sir Seyed Ahamed Khan and that leader and that Saviour of the Muslims."

Early life

Tuan Brahanudeen Jayah, the great educationist, community and national leader, Statesman, Patron, President and Chairman of 55 organisations was born on 1st January, 1890 at Galagedara, where his father, Cassim Jayah, was employed in the Police Department. Owing to the transfer of Cassim Jayah, the family shifted residence to Kurunegala, where the young Brahanudeen started his Quranic Education under the tutelage of Noordeen Alim and Omarlebbe and the secular schooling at the Anglo-Vernacular School. Once again on the transfer of the father, the family moved to Colombo and Brahanudeen was enrolled at the St. Paul’s College, Modera in Grade 1 at the age of 10. It would be curious today to see a boy of ten years in Grade 1, but was common occurrence in that era. The young student was found to be so brilliant that he was awarded a treble promotion from Grade 1 to Grade 4 and once again a double promotion to Grade 6 in the following year. In 1904, he obtained a scholarship to St. Thomas’ College, situated then at Modera.

Having passed the Matriculation and Inter Arts Examinations, he obtained a teaching job at Dharmaraja College, Kandy in January 1910, then shifted to Prince of Wales College, Moratuwa in May 1910 and thereafter to Ananda College, Colombo in 1917, where he remained till he assumed duties as Principal of Zahira College, Colombo on 1st September 1921.

Though he embarked on a teaching career at an early age due to the financial constraints he encountered in proceeding with higher education, yet while being a teacher, he continued his academic pursuit and became a graduate. He subsequently enrolled himself at the Law College with the intention of becoming a lawyer; but his conviction that he could serve the community in a better way by continuing as an educator persuaded him to remain in the teaching profession.

In a lecture delivered to the Ceylon Muslim Association in February 1919, he posed the question "What have we done? The other communities have produced eminent men in different walks of life. They have produced eminent lawyers and doctors, eminent councilors, men of eminence in other ways. What have the Muslims? Have we any eminent men in the service of the Government or in learned professions? Have we even a few schools and colleges of our own? Have we sent largely our children even to non-Muslim schools? The answer is an emphatic ‘NO’…..My humble suggestion to the Mohammedan leaders is that, if they cannot start both colleges and elementary schools for the Mohammedans, let them at least give us one Mohamedan College, because that Mohamedan College might form a centre which might send out a noble band of heroes who might rejuvenate the nation. The supreme need of the hour is education, not merely elementary education, not mere half-hearted education, but an education that will turn out heroes and heroines, leaders and reformers, thinkers and philosophers, an education that will make us a progressive, enlightened and powerful minority." These are prophetic words indeed.

Zahira blossoms

In his twenty seven years of stewardship at Zahira until 22nd August, 1948, he successfully produced the leaders and reformers, thinkers and philosophers, and Legislators and national figures, who brought forth an enlightened Muslim community, which in course of time was able to contribute to the political, social, economic and cultural development at the national level.

Zahira evolved as a symbol of unity and social integration .Perhaps his early experience at Dharmaraja, Prince of Wales and Ananda gave him a broader outlook in his vision. In fact, three of his students at Ananda, who in later life emerged as pioneer Leftist leaders, namely Dr. N.M. Perera, Philip Gunewardena and Robert Gunewardena always referred to Jayah with utmost respect as their mentor and guide during their student days.

In the same manner, Zahira had teachers, students and employees from all the communities. His Vice-Principals were George Weeramantry, who came from Ananda and Mr. Wijeratne; when he opened the Commerce Stream, the person he chose to head the Section was J.A. Charles; some of the prominent teachers were Rauff Pasha from India, Moulavi Haniff Nadvi, Pandit Nallathamby who translated the Ceylon National Anthem into Tamil, Navaliyoor S. Nadarajan, a famous poet, N.P. Pillai, Mrs. Pillai, Ms. E. Dissanayake and a host of others.

The tradition of this cosmopolitanism continued and during the Principalship of Azeez, almost half of the more than one hundred students who entered the University - indeed one hundred was a very large number at that time - were non Muslims. We still find even today the strong foundations laid by Jayah for communal amity persisting at Zahira.

This enormous achievement took quarter of a century of labour and dedication by a man of utter sincerity, whose heart and mouth spoke the same language and with the unstinted support of the Maradana Mosque Committee, who were the Managers of the College and an array of well-wishers.

The situation at Zahira at the beginning of his Principalship was described by him in the following words: "The outlook was dismal - six teachers, fifty nine boys, hardly any furniture worth the name, with a building just enough for a primary school, used at night by loafers and other undesirables, with unattractive surroundings and about twenty or thirty yards from the buildings, thickets and shrubs regarded by the public as the rendezvous of the denizens of the underworld, relieved only by the majesty of the Maradana mosque."

Undaunted, he accepted the challenge and undertook many development projects. Classes were started up to matriculation, number of teachers increased from six to thirty, sports and athletics expanded, Literary associations formed which started the publication of the magazine ‘The Crescent’, opened a Hostel, Dental Clinic, Free Night School and a Canteen that provided a wholesome rice and curry lunch for ten cents. The Night School was perhaps the first of its kind in Ceylon.

He started the ‘College Extension Fund’ through which a large number of class rooms, Science Laboratory, and the Main Building of this Ghaffoor Hall where we are assembled today were constructed, the main benefactors being the Maradana Mosque Committee, N.D.H. Abdul Ghaffoor and Puthen Bootil Umbichy.

The indicator of the vast strides of development was the increase in the number of students from 59 in 1921 to 450 in 1922, to 645 in 1925, which within a few years exceeded 1,000.

Every important dignitary visiting Ceylon was invited to address the students, teachers, parents and public at Zahira College. Sarojini Naidu, Moulana Saukat Ali, Jawaharlal Nehru, Mahathma Ghandi and Rajaji - all the top-level leaders of the Indian Freedom Movement made it an integral item in the programme to visit this citadel of education. The speech made by Jayah on the occasion of the visit of Mahatma Ghandhi on the efforts of Gandhi on Hindu-Muslim Unity in India was one of the finest speeches that demonstrated the attitude of Jayah on communal harmony, national unity and integration.

Political leadership

The concepts which were inherent in Jayah’s philosophy brought him naturally into the arena of politics, by his entry to the Legislative Council in 1924.

The system of Legislature was introduced by the British colonial rulers in Ceylon in 1833, through the Colebrooke Constitution. The Legislative Council consisted, besides the officials of the Government, a very limited number of members representing the English, Burgher, Low Country Sinhala and Tamil communities. It was not considered necessary to grant Kandyan Sinhalese and the Muslims (then termed Mohemadans) representation.

Consequent to long agitations the Kandyan Sinhalese and the Mohamedan communities were given one representation each and the first Mohamedan nominated to the Legislative Council in 1889 was Mohamed Cassim Abdul Rahman, who was succeeded by A.L.M. Sheriff in 1899; Wapitchi Marikar Abdul Rahman in1900 and N.H.M. Abdul Cader in 1917.

A very limited number of Ceylonese were granted voting rights at the beginning of the 20th Century to elect representatives on the basis of Island-wide ‘communal electorates’ to the Legislative Council . Such election to a Mohemadan electorate was held for the first time in 1924, in which three members were elected to represent the Muslims obtaining the following number of votes:

H.M. Macan Markar 10,311 votes

N.H.M. Abdul Cader 6,705 votes

T.B. Jayah 5,221 votes

The other candidate, M.L.M. Riyal obtained 3,629 votes. This heralded the entry of Jayah into the Legislature, where he continued to serve from 1924-1930; 1936-1947; 1947-1950 and a brief period in 1960. Instead of being a ceremonial member of the Legislature, he made ample use of every opportunity to serve the community and the nation, thus emerging as a community as well as a national leader at the time of British Imperialism in this country. He became an active participant in the struggle for Independence from 450 years of European domination.

M.T. Akbar in the Legislature

One other great personality from the Malay community, who sat along with Jayah in all the committees appointed by the Legislative Council for the recommendation of framing of Laws pertaining to the Muslims and whom we cannot fail to mention at this juncture was Justice Akbar. After a brilliant school career at Royal College, Colombo, where he carried away every possible prize, he proceeded to Cambridge University in the United Kingdom on the Government Scholarship having obtained the highest points in the selection for the scholarship to qualify as an engineer. He not only qualified as an Engineer, but also as a Barrister-at-Law.

On his return to Ceylon, he joined the Government Legal Department and very soon was appointed as the Solicitor General and subsequently as a judge of the Supreme Court .He could have risen to be the first Ceylonese Chief Justice, but suddenly and prematurely retired from the service. No one, including the Governor, could persuade him to reconsider his decision. He spent the remainder of his days in religious activities, living in Wekanda and distributing his monthly pensions to his relations, friends and the needy. It was said that "Akbar’s Pension day was the salary day of the others.’

By virtue of his position as Solicitor General, he became automatically a member of the Legislative and Executive Councils. Though a Government nominee to look after the interests of the rulers, he utilized the opportunity to the maximum benefit to the Muslim community by being chairman or member of many committees, in which Jayah also actively contributed to the formulation, enactment and implementation of many legislations, such as the Muslim Property Laws, Wakf Act and Muslim Marriage and Divorce Act. He was also Chairman of the Committee that recommended the replacement of the term ‘Mohamedan’ with the term ‘Muslim.’

Akbar was the Chairman of the Committee that finally decided the site for the establishment of the Ceylon University. The battle of the sites whether to establish the university at Peradeniya or Colombo was long-drawn, where a very powerful group preferred Colombo. However, the Committee finally decided on Peradeniya, one of the most scenic sites for a university in any part of the world.

But a point of regret is that the university authorities thought it fit to perpetuate the memories of many leaders of the university movement by naming the Halls of Residence with their names, but quarter of a century elapsed before the same authorities thought it fit to name a Hall with Akbar’s name, and that too only half of a hall was named, the other half being named as Nell Hall.

Movement for Freedom

The national consciousness for self-rule began to emerge by the beginning of the 20th Century. The Ceylon Reform League founded in 1917 under the Chairmanship of Ponnambalam Arunachalam came to an abrupt end being succeeded by the formation of the Ceylon National Congress, which continued to be the prime organization in demanding Independence to Ceylon.

The Muslims participated in the demand for freedom from British rule without any hesitation and in full strength through their organizations. The Moor Union was founded in1900 which blossomed into the All Ceylon Moors Association in 1922, of which in later years A.R.A. Razick (Sir Razick Fareed) became the leader and made significant contribution to education and national independence.

1903 saw the birth of the Ceylon Muslim Association, which soon became the Young Muslim League under the chairmanship of Barrister Saheed A. Marikkar. In 1924 it assumed the name of All Ceylon Muslim League under the chairmanship of N.H.M. Abdul Cader, on whose death, Jayah was chosen as the President and remained so till 1950.

In articulating the Muslim point of view, Jayah balanced the national and community aspirations in such a manner that the Muslims became an integral part of the freedom movement, while preserving their community identity intact. This was evident as early as 1930s when in his capacity as the leader of the Muslim Political Conference, he led a delegation to England and presented a Memorandum on "Muslims and Proposed Constitutional changes in Ceylon" to the British rulers. He steadfastly continued this policy of ‘country and community’ all throughout his political career. As stated by Dr. M.C.M. Kaleel, "He was sincere and dedicated in the cause of his country and community above all personal considerations. He valued freedom so dearly that he declared that no concept in political life was more precious than freedom."

At the same time, Jayah had the courage to forewarn the members of the State Council, how a section of the membership was attempting to convert the struggle for reforms to a narrower and parochial approach. Speaking on the Governor Caldecott Reforms in 1937, in which Debate Jayah spoke for three hours; G.G. Ponnambalam for nine hours and forty five minutes; A.E. Goonesinha for four hours and thirty minutes and Nadesan for nine hours, Jayah said that " some of the politicians here particularly those who are puffed with power cannot understand the realities of the situation. They think that self-government for this country means self-government for themselves .The benefit of self-Government they think should accrue only to one community. When others say that the benefits of self-government should be diffused among all the people, they want to call such people all sorts of names. They cannot distinguish between what is proper and what is improper, between what is legitimate and what is not legitimate, between what is good for the country and what is detrimental to the country".

When finally the arrangement for granting Independence to Ceylon was being arranged and the State Council debating in November 1944 the Soulbury Report and the White Paper of the Government of the United Kingdom, Jayah said that "I speak with the full support of members of the Muslim community of Ceylon. I saw to it that the Muslim community was consulted with representatives in different parts of the country on the important issue before the House; and I am in a position to say that the Muslim members of this Council have the fullest backing of the Muslim community of this Island. When the Muslim members of this Council decided to take a definite stand at the time the ‘Sri Lanka Bill’ was introduced, they did so for one and for one reason only. The reason was that where the political freedom of this country was involved, they were prepared to go to any length, even to the point of sacrificing advantages and benefits as a result of such action."

Mr. S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, then Leader of the House, speaking during the Debate, appreciated the definitive views expressed by Jayah. He said that "the hon. Nominated Member Mr. Jayah had made a speech today that will have a great effect in bringing about unity among the people of the country in bringing some sense of reality to this struggle, however it may shape, that we are going to undertake to obtain a satisfactory measure of freedom. What have the Nominated Member Mr. Jayah and his colleagues Hon. Nominated Member Mr. Razick and the Member for Colombo Central Dr. Kaleel done? There is provided in the Bill a scheme of representation under which the Muslim community more than any other community in this country might suffer in this form which it appears, but yet he himself was so sincerely determined to work for the main idea of freedom that he was prepared to vote for the principle embodied in the Bill."

Such was the greatness of Jayah who was primarily an educationist, who advocated that the most important way for the community to advance economically, politically and socially was to upgrade the standard of education, specially English education among the Muslims. He not only made Zahira to blossom into one of the leading schools in Ceylon, but extended its wings to other parts of the country by opening Zahiras in Gampola, Matale, Puttalam, Alutgama and Wekanda. His hand-picked successor Azeez took Zahira to its zenith, and another disciple Badiudin Mahmud whom he appointed as the Principal of Gampola Zahira, rendered yeoman service as a longest serving Minister of Education.

Prime Minister D.S. Senanayake once referred to the prominent part played by Denominational schools specifically mentioning the role of Stone of St. Thomas’, Hartley of Royal, Highfield of Wesley and Jayah of Zahira. He further stated that "Ceylon’s securing of Dominion Status without civil strife or political turmoil was not a little due to the priceless lessons which young and old learnt at the feet of those successful school-masters and bridge builders."

As a politician, he entered the Legislative Council of the Colonial Ceylon, continued to serve in the State Council and became the Minister of Labour and Social Services in the first Parliament of Independent Ceylon. During the many decades as a Legislator, he always espoused the cause of his community, but balancing it with the national interest. He was a Statesman, who was fittingly declared a National Hero.

Jayah was the first Ambassador of Ceylon to Pakistan, where he became so popular and prominent that the University of Punjab conferred on him the title of Doctor of Philosophy (Honoris Causa) on 22nd December, 1951. He politely declined the Pakistan citizenship offered by its Government. His recall by Allah itself was so significant that he breathed his last in the holy city of Medina on 31st May, 1960 after accomplishing the mission of setting up the ‘Ceylon House’ in the holiest city of Mecca.

Remembering Jayah

It is the bounden duty of the Muslim community to perpetuate the memory of such a great personality. We appreciate efforts taken by the members of the Conference of Sri Lankan Malays under the Presidentship of my good friend Alhaj Azoor. I should also mention with gratitude two persons, Dr. M.S. Jaldeen and Enver C. Ahlip, for having extensively recorded the biography of Jayah in their books. I may mention with humbleness that I too have published a book in Tamil language in 1994 titled ‘Educational Contributions of Jayah.’ In fact as a student I received two prizes from the hands of Dr. Jayah at the Zahira College Annual Prize Giving in 1958, which occasion he graced as the Chief Guest.

The All Ceylon Muslim League on the demise of Jayah decided to inaugurate a Fund to perpetuate the memory of late Dr. Jayah. In fact, funds were collected, a piece of land was bought close to Ananda College and plans were drawn to build a Memorial Hall. This land we are told, has gone into litigation and the plan is still dormant for half a century.

The Government of Sri Lanka has honoured him with an issue of a postage stamp on declaring him a National Hero and naming a school and a street in Colombo in his name. My earnest hope is that the Memorial Building will one day become a reality. (SHM Jameel (Plus*))

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121st Birth Anniversary of Dr. T. B. Jayah (Plus*)

After dedicated and selfless services to the Muslim community Al-Haj Dr. Tuan Burhanudeen Jayah peacefully passed away in the Holy City of Medina after successfully completing his sacred mission Hajj. Dr. Jayah was a reformer and pioneer of Muslim education. Today we remember him with gratitude and affection for his dedication to the welfare and upliftment of the Muslim community. His service was immeasurable.

Dr. Jayah was a great educationist, a legislator, active social worker, brilliant orator and an exemplary Muslim leader who sacrificed a lot for the betterment of the Muslim education. From the time he passed the Cambridge Senior he devoted his entire time to the upliftment of the Muslim community in general and the country in particular. He said, "Youths are the trustees of the future". Once in a few generations a man is called upon to guide the destinies of a community.

In 1921 Dr. Jayah assumed office as the Principal of Zahira College which was then a mere secondary school with 6 teachers, 59 students and ill equipped buildings just sufficient for a primary school. Within a span of 27 years Dr. Jayah made Zahira a fully equipped Muslim institution. To use his own words "The radiating centre of Muslim thought and activity". To achieve his ends, Dr. Jayah retained Zahira in an exalted position as a leading institution in the island and also urged Muslim children to fit themselves for the higher and greater responsibilities of life in accordance with the teachings of Islam. Under Dr. T.B. Jayah's dynamic leadership, Zahira College became the cradle of Muslim education in the Island.

Besides education, he played a significant role in politics to free the country from British domination. From 1924 to 1931 he was a member of the Legislative Council and again from 1936 to 1947 he was a member of the State Council. When Sri Lanka (then Ceylon) gained independence in a most amicable manner in 1948, he was appointed Minister of Labour and Social Services in Ceylon's First Cabinet.

Dr. Jayah had the distinction of being Ceylon's first High Commis-sioner to Pakistan from where he consolidated the mutual friendship and co-operation between the two countries. In 1960 as a devoted Muslim Dr. Jayah left for Mecca to perform Hajj as it is incumbent on every Muslim who is physically fit and financially capable to do so. He set off with the idea of erecting a "Ceylon House" to enable local pilgrims to stay during the Hajj season. While at Medina, he fell ill and was treated by a specialist flown from Jeddah by King Ibnu Sa'ud.

I remember my late father Al-Haj M.L.M. Farook who served under late Dr. T. B. Jayah at Zahira College, Colombo once recalled that before Dr. Jayah embarked on a pilgrimage to Mecca in 1960 he said, "I wish I could die in Medina, the city of Holy Prophet Mohamed". Likewise Almighty Allah accepted his Dua (supplication) and on the morning of May 31, 1960, Al-Haj Dr. T. B. Jayah passed away. Such was his true love and immense devotion towards the deen of Allah. Inna Lillahi Wa Inna Ihalhi Rajioon. To Allah we belong and unto him we return. (Ruzaik Farook, President Sri Lanka 

Islamic Society)

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M.H.M. ASHRAFF(Plus*): THE LEGENDARY MUSLIM CONGRESS LEADER

September 16th 2010  was the  tenth death anniversary of Mohammad Hussein Muhammad Ashraff, the uncrowned sultan of the Amparai district Muslims and legendary  leader of the Sri Lanka Muslim Congress (SLMC). The pioneering  president of the SLMC was  Ahammed Lebbe of Kattankudi with whom Ashraff co-founded the party  in September 1981. It was however  MHM Ashraff who gave the Muslim Congress a new vision and direction after he assumed formal leadership of the party in 1986.

Thanks to Ashraff’s visionary zeal and missionary energy the SLMC achieved many, many things during the fifteen years he was at the party’s helm. His charisma, political acumen , dedication and sterling qualities of leadership enabled Ashraff to mould the long overlooked Eastern Muslims into a viable political entity and led them like a latter day Moosa Nabhi or Moses through the wilderness on the route to a promised land of milk and honey. 

As in the case of Moses it was not Ashraff’s destiny to enter the promised land as a mysterious airplane explosion obliterated one of the brightest stars of the Lankan political firmament in the prime of life. Until death he remained the undisputed “Thesiya Thalaiver” (National Leader) of the North – Eastern Muslims

 The tragedy of September 16th  2000  involving an MI-17 helicopter of the Sri Lanka Air Force above the Urakanda mountain range in the Aranayaka area in Kegalle district of Sabaragamuwa province resulted in the death of  this dynamic political leader . Along with Ashraff were killed 14 others including crew members, security personnel, personal staff and political supporters.

Investigations  were launched  to ascertain whether the crash was an accident or the result of sabotage.  Various conspiracy theories were afloat after  Ashraff’s death. The results of the investigation are yet to be publicised.Whatever the outcome of the probe, there is no denying that the demise of Ashraff, has created a  vacuum in  Muslim politics that is yet to be filled.

Potential

MHM  Ashraff was a pioneering leader of Sri Lankan Muslims in particular and the country in general. He was ahead of his times in more ways than one. He realised the vast untapped political potential of his community and strove to charter a course that would have enabled his people to have their grievances redressed and aspirations fulfilled. At a time when the conflict within the island was perceived in simplistic terms as a "Sinhala versus Tamil" issue, the efforts of Ashraff  brought to the fore the problems faced by Muslims.

The eloquent and effective advocacy of the Muslim cause by Ashraff  led to a general awareness that the seemingly intractable ethnic crisis was not merely a Sinhala-Tamil bilateral issue but a trilateral one involving Muslims too.

The Muslims of Sri Lanka, also known as Moors, have a unique ethnic identity. Constituting 8 per cent of the island's population, they are distributed somewhat evenly with about two-thirds of them in the seven predominantly Sinhala provinces and the rest in the Tamil majority North and East.

The bulk of the community including sections living amidst the Sinhala population speaks Tamil at home and are classified as Tamil speaking. The medium of instruction in  most Muslim schools is chiefly Tamil. The community has also thrown up a number of Tamil scholars, writers, poets, journalists and artists who have reached eminent positions.

In spite of this, the community does not perceive itself as being "Tamil" but "Muslim". The Muslim self-perception is based on ethno-religious and not ethno-linguistic lines. This socio-cultural reality has acquired sharp political dimensions in recent times.

Although they are a scattered population, Sri Lankan Muslims have their single largest concentration in the Eastern Province where the ethnic ratio according to the 1981 Census (the last official count) was 42 per cent Tamil, 33 per cent Muslim and 25 percent Sinhala. It is unofficially estimated that at present the Sinhala component has risen considerably while the Tamil component has declined and that the Muslim count remains even.

A large number of Muslims of the  Batticaloa-Amparai districts  live interspersed among Tamil village s along the littoral areas known as "Eluvaankarai" (Coast of the Rising Sun).  The hinterland  to the west of Batticaloa lagoon known as “Paduvaankarai” (Coast of the Setting Sun) is predominantly Tamil.

Enclaves 

The majority of the Eastern Muslims are farmers and fisherfolk. The  East  consisting of  Muslim "enclaves"  with substantial Muslim votes  has helped the Eastern Province Muslims to elect at least four to six parliamentarians from the Province at each election. The Eastern "bloc" has at times constituted almost 50 per cent of the total Muslim representation in Parliament.

Despite this advantage, the overall leadership of the community was not in the hands of the Eastern Muslim. The comparatively advanced Muslim leaders from the Central, Western and Southern provinces were in charge, lording it over the Muslims from the Eastern backwaters. All this, however, changed with the arrival of Ashraff.

Ashraff was born on October 23, 1948 in the Muslim village of Sammanthurai in Amparai district. He grew up in the town of Kalmunai, in the same region. After schooling in Kalmunai, Ashraff entered Law College where he passed the examination with first class honours. Ashraff went on to acquire a bachelor's and later a Master's degree in Law from Colombo University. The latter feat was achieved in 1995 when he was a Cabinet Minister. He took silk in 1997 as President's Counsel.

Though an uncompromising Muslim nationalist in later years, Ashraff was always close to the Tamil language and its ethos. As  an old student of Wesley High School in Kalmunai and as a law student he moved closely with Tamils. Despite the vagaries of politics he retained his personal friendships with Tamil classmates and colleagues. He was also well – versed in the Tamil language and literature.

Ashraff was a fiery orator in Tamil. Moreover he was also a poet using  “Thamizh” as the vehicle of his thoughts. The volume of poetry published by him  was commendable though not superlative as his sycophants portrayed them. In any case few of the present crop of Tamil – Muslim parliamentarians read poetry let alone compose  poems.

Chelvanayakam

Ashraff began his political career like many an Eastern Muslim leader as an admirer of the Tamil father figure S.J.V. Chelvanayakam, the founder leader of the Federal Party.  He was greatly enamoured of  Chelvanayakam and the federalist vision for the Tamil speaking people of the North – Eastern Traditional Tamil homelands.

Ashraff was particularly appreciative of the fact that it was Chelvanayagam who raised the issue of Muslims being killed at the Puttalam mosque by Sinhala policemen. Muslim Parliamentarians including Puttalam UNP Pariamentarian Naina Marikkar maintained a deafening silence then.

Ashraff spoke on F.P. platforms and in 1976 attended the historic Vaddukkoddai Conference where the newly formed Tamil United Liberation Front (TULF) unanimously adopted the demand for a separate state of Tamil Eelam.

I first met Ashraff in 1977 when he was campaigning ardently for Tamil Eelam on the TULF platform. He had formed the Muslim United Front and signed an agreement with Appapillai Amirthalingam. Muslim candidates were fielded on the Sun symbol in Kalmunai, Sammanthurai, Puttalam and Mutur. Another assigned to contest Seruwila failed to submit nomination papers at the last minute.

Ashraff  himself did not contest but actively campaigned in 1977.This was the time when Ashraff stated publicly that even if elder brother Amirthalingam could not deliver Tamil Eelam younger brother Ashraff would do so. The highlight of Ashraff's speeches then was his bombastic  pronouncement that even if Amirthalingam himself abandoned the goal of Eelam, Ashraff would continue to strive for it.

In spite of this affinity towards Tamil Eelam  on the part of Ashraff, the  Eastern Muslim voters had different ideas and rejected the MUF candidates on the TULF ticket.

This was an eye – opener to Ashraff .The electoral results however showed that despite Ashraffs desire to share a Tamil – Muslim political vision, Eastern Muslims had other ideas. While the Tamil candidates of the TULF swept the polls, no Muslim from the party won a seat in the polls.

Estranged  

Ashraffs relations with the TULF became strained gradually. The 1981 District Development Council elections saw the TULF going to polls in Mannar and the three Eastern districts on a Tamil slate of candidates. Ashraff wanted Muslims to be included too. He was rebuffed.This led to an already estranged Ashraff parting ways with the TULF completely.

However  this  did not result in him joining a “Sinhala dominated” national party like other Muslim leaders of old who cut their political teeth in the FP and then merrily crossed over. Ashraff realised that the Muslims needed to charter a separate course independent of Tamil and Sinhala politics. This led to his aligning with Ahammed Lebbe of Kattankudi  and co – founding the Muslim Congress.

After Ashraff parted ways with the TULF the MUF had entered a state of decay. The SLMC was inaugurated  on September 21, 1981. At that point, the SLMC was more or less an Eastern outfit concerned  more with socio-cultural  than political issues.

The July 1983 anti-Tamil pogrom and the consequent escalation of armed Tamil militancy led to a situation where the possibility of Tamil Eelam began looming large on the political horizon. The Eastern  Muslims became increasingly insecure and apprehensive of their future in a "Tamil" state. 

On the other hand, the contemptuous manner in which the J.R. Jayewardene regime dismissed the Muslim opposition to the resumption of diplomatic relations with Israel touched a raw nerve in the community. Ashraff was instrumental in organizing protest demonstrations over the issue. However, Sri Lankan Muslims at that point of time were immune from the global trend of growing Islamic consciousness and radicalism.

The Muslim community in the East also produced a new generation of educated and ambitious youth. All this created a suitable climate for Ashraff and his brand of politics to arrive on the national scene. The rise of Tamil armed militancy instilled a sense of political urgency into Muslim politics.

Violence

 The catalyst was the outbreak of violence between Tamils and Muslims in the Kalmunai-Karaitheevu areas in 1985 which was aided and abetted by agents of the state and Tamil militant groups. The Kalmunai – Karaitheevu Tamil – Muslim violence of 1985 affected Ashraff directly. Threatened by and  fearing harm at the hands of Tamil militants , Ashraff was forced to flee to Colombo.

In a controversial utterance Ashraff  compared his flight from Kalmunai to Colombo  to that of the Holy Prophet’s “Hijra” from Medina from Mecca. This led to many heated rebuttals. It was pointed out that the Holy Prophet had ensured the safe passage of his followers  to Medina before following suit whereas Ashraff had left Kalumunai first leaving behind his supporters.

Ashraff  moving  to Colombo as a “political refugee” was a significant milestone in his life. He  was provided help by concerned Muslims including the well-known lawyer  Faiz Musthapha. It was at Mustapha’s chambers that Rauff Hakeem interacted with Ashraff and became a devoted disciple.

In the nation’s capital, Ashraff’s  political horizons began to extend beyond the East. He recognized the  widespread disappointment prevalent  among the Muslim masses with their elitist leaders. Ashraff identified the need and yearning of the community to assert boldly and articulate their identity.

Ashraff  was disgusted with the politics of Muslim leaders in the UNP and SLFP. He felt that these people were nothing but minions serving their Sinhala political masters without evincing real concern for the Muslim plight. One reason for this Ashraff felt was the lure of power and the attraction posed by the spoils of office. An Independent voice was necessary. For this firm  Muslim unity was needed.

Establishing himself firmly in Colombo Ashraff ,revived and restructured the Muslim Congress. In 1986 he convened an Island – wide convention in “Punchi”Borella and formally took over party leadership  after  gently easing out Ahamed Lebbe.

Decisive  

I  was a witness to this eventful moment in the history of the Muslim Congress. I  attended the convention in a journalistic capacity along with my departed friend and colleague MPM Azhar of the “Virakesari” who later edited the “Navamani” Muslim weekly. There was magic in the air as the  Muslim delegates took  their decisive step on a long journey that still continues.

I was in close contact with Ashraff during the 1986 – 88 period. It was then that I saw him at close quarters forging a new vision and mission for his people. Some of his ideals seemed impossible to achieve then. Ashraff wanted the Muslims to be recognized as a separate and equal entity on par with the Sinhala and Tamil people.

The Muslim people in all parts of the Country needed their own independent political party. The SLMC was to fulfill that role. The party was to remain independent of Sinhala and Tamil political overlordship. He described both as two “Saithans” (Satans) then. The Eastern Province Muslims were to play a greater role in this . By doing so this often neglected people were to achieve their rightful place under the Lankan sun.

Ashraff also introduced the demand for a territorially non – contiguous North – Eastern Council for the Muslims on the Pondicherry model. His aim then was to create a Muslim majority council linking up all Muslim majority AGA divisions in the North – East.

Ashraff  gradually redefined the objectives and redrafted the constitution of the Muslim Congress to make it an all-island party. It was formally accredited by the Election Commissioner and allocated the symbol of the tree on February 11, 1988.

The “new” SLMC under Ashraff contested the Provincial Councils in 1988. It won 17 seats in the North – East and 12 in the Western, North- Western, Central and Southern Provinces. The proportionate representation system helped the fledgling party to record an impressive showing in the provincial council elections. The Muslim Congress had come of age.

Although he was not happy with the India-Sri Lanka Agreement of July 1987 which he felt neglected the Muslim viewpoint, Ashraff supported its provisions. The Muslim Congress participated in the North-East provincial council elections of 1988 and became the chief Opposition party there to the administration headed by Annamalai Varatharajapperumal.

The SLMC also supported  the victor, Ranasinghe Premadasa, in the 1988 presidential elections. In 1989 the Muslim Congress contested the parliamentary polls independently  and won four seats. Ashraff himself was returned with a massive number of preference votes. The SLMC discovered that in spite of its all-island appeal the  four parliamentary seats it was able to garner came from the North-East alone.

Queen Maker

Ashraff realized that if the party was to maximize its representation, tactical compromises would have to be made and strategic alliances with major parties formed. In 1994 he did just that in the accord with Chandrika Kumaratunga's People's Alliance.

Ashraff took a cue from Saumiyamoorthy Thondaman whom he greatly admired  and entered a pre – poll agreement with Kumaratunga. Ashraffs strategy like Thondaman was to enter into electoral agreements and enhance representation for his people.  1994 saw the SLMC get six elected and two national list seats. The SLMC contested under its own symbol in the North-East and on the P.A. ticket in the other provinces.

The SLMC played a constructive "Queen maker" role to install the Chandrika Kumaratunga government in a hung Parliament. Ashraff became Minister for Ports, Shipping and Rehabilitation. Later he lost shipping in a reshuffle. Two other SLMC members, Hizbullah and Aboobakr, became Deputy Ministers. SLMC general secretary Rauff Hakeem became Chairman of committees.

Ashraff's ministerial tenure was eventful and controversial.

He was accused of providing Muslims jobs on a massive scale in the various harbours coming under his purview. Colombo, Trincomalee and Galle were cited as examples.

Likewise he was faulted for giving priority to Muslim areas in the matter of rehabilitation and Development projects. The harbour at Oluvil was an enduring and endearing dream for Ashraff.

Tempestuous

A tempestuous feud between Ashraff and another senior Muslim Minister from the SLFP, AHM Fowzie, saw sparks fly at regular intervals. This led to Ashraff throwing political tantrums at every turn and threatening to resign. In one episode of its kind, his resignation over the Fowzie issue was not accepted by Kumaratunga.

There was also the incident where Ashraff charged that lands belonging to Muslims in the Ponnanveli area had been acquired  by the state and incorporated into the Digavapi sacred area. He was challenged to a public TV debate by the Ven. Soma Thero. Ashraff took him on in a debate conducted in Sinhala and argued coherently and conclusively.

Another controversy arose when Ashraff wrote a poem in Tamil addressed to Lord Buddha. This poetic device had often been resorted to by other poets in the past. But when Ashraff did so there was heated criticism. Ashraff did not flinch and countered his critics defiantly.

Ashraff was also autocratic in his handling of party affairs. He was the supreme "Thalaiver" and brooked no nonsense from within. At the time of his death, he had suspended the party membership of three MPs and sent a show-cause notice to another.

Apart from the charismatic sway Ashraff had over the Muslim masses, his strength was his adaptive flexibility. The SLMC's fundamental demand had been for the creation of a territorially non-contiguous Muslim majority council consisting of the Muslim divisions in the North and East. Ashraff's rationale in this issue was to preserve for the Eastern Province Muslims their 33 per cent representation as far as possible in a proposed merger situation where it would have dwindled to 17 per cent.

The inspiration for the territorial non-contiguity principle was the Indian model for the Union Territory of Pondichery. There the regions of Pondichery, Karaikal, Yanam and Mahe  though  far apart geographically  came under a single administrative system. Since they had  been former colonies of France and shared a common “historic” heritage they were administered together in Independent India.

When he found the demand  for a  territorially non – contiguous unit unachievable, Ashraff substituted it for the South Eastern Provincial Council comprising the territorially contiguous  electoral divisions of Sammanthurai, Pottuvil and Kalmunai.He was  also willing to support a merger of Batticaloa and Trincomalee districts with the Northern Province.

He was prepared to give that  up  too if  it became necessary and opt instead  for a merged North-East with adequate safeguards for Muslims including a de-merger proviso by referendum in 10 year's time.

Empathy

Ashraff also  wanted to  carve out a distinctly Muslim –majority coastal  district  known as Kalmunai out of the existing Amparai district. He was however hesitant in some respects because he feared the  contemplated  littoral district could be deprived of adequate land and water resources.

Ashraff  had to clash with Tamil politicians in later years in the interests of his community. This was inevitable. But unlike many  of the current crop of  Muslim politicians from the East, Ashraff had an empathy with Tamil and Tamils. He understood Tamil grievances and appreciated their aspirations.

Ashraff also felt  that the fundamental problem was Sinhala majoritarianism  and that some understanding among minority communities was necessary to combat it. While being firm on Muslim interests Ashraff was always ready to work together with Tamils. There are few Eastern Muslim politicos on the same wavelength as that of Ashraff on this aspect. While the interests of his own community were paramount for him, Ashraff was also extremely sympathetic to the Tamil problems and grievances. Except where the interests of Tamils and Muslims clashed directly, he tried to help realise the legitimate aspirations of Tamils.

He also arrived at an understanding to achieve a working relationship with the Ceylon Workers' Congress representing Tamils of Indian origin.

Ashraff's greatest virtue was  perhaps his metamorphosis from a "sectarian" leader to a "national" one. By 2000 his horizons broadened and Ashraff formed the National Unity Alliance. Ashraff was now prepared to  look beyond Muslim ethnicity and reach out to other communities. He had a blueprint for achieving lasting peace by 2012.

The NUA's birth indicated that the one-time "Tamil Eelamist" supporter who pioneered an exclusive party for Muslims had reached an evolutionary stage where his outlook was blossoming into a nationalist one.

Mass Figure

While the SLMC was to be the flagship of the Muslims the NUA was to be wider and inclusive representing all communities. One does not know what the future may have been of the SLMC and NUA, had Ashraff  lived to implement his vision.Sadly Ashraff died a few weeks before the scheduled  poll on October 10th 2000. Ashraff's life being  snuffed out at a critical  state was a setback to the limitless possibilities offered by the grand alliance at that juncture.

Ashraff may be no more but his spirit pervades Muslim political consciousness still. In life he was the single most popular mass figure in Eastern Muslim politics. Even in death the magical hold he retained over Muslim masses lingers on.

Ashraff memorial meetings are well attended. The Tamil media publishes  many tributes most of them sincere and heartfelt. His loss is keenly felt. The sense of loss is compounded further by the sorry state of post – Ashraff  Muslim politics. The party he breathed new life into is fragmented.

His widow and erstwhile deputies fought for his mantle. His political legacy however got fragmented. Ashraffs successor Rauff Hakeem and his widow Ferial split the party. Ferial  took over the NUA.

The fragmentation process went on with Athaullah and Anwer Ismail etc splitting from SLMC and forming the National Muslim Congress. The fragmentation continued with Riyaz Badiurdeen, Ameer Ali and Najeeb Abdul Majeed crossing over from the SLMC  and forming the All Ceylon Muslim Congress.

Rauff Hakeem  battles on resolutely trying to keep  the ideals and objectives of his leader and party alive. The lure  of ministerial office and government perks entice party MP’s periodically. In 2006 the SLMC had to join government ranks  to prevent party unity being shattered as individual MP’s were ready to cross over.

It was a case of Deja vu this year too. In a bid to prevent a party split and defection Rauff  Hakeem met with President Rajapaksa prior to the 18th Constitutional Amendment  being presented in Parliament and arrived at an understanding to support the  govt from opposition ranks. Speculation is rife that the SLMC May formally join the Government in  November.

Memory

Thus we see Ashraff’s lofty goal  of uniting Muslims under one banner lying  in tatters with his party being atomized again and again after each parliamentary poll.

 His ideal  of Muslims retaining their independence and maintaining an equidistance between Sinhala and Tamil politics too has suffered badly.

The perks and privileges offered by successive Governments  have led to most ex – SLMC leaders abandoning their “independence”. The ministerial, deputy – ministerial posts, corporation chairperson, director posts, ambassadorial assignments etc have overwhelmed most of these politicos nurtured in the nursery of  the SLMC.

The interests and welfare of the Muslim voters who elected them are being callously and cynically abandoned  by those elected who seek power and perks. Principled politics is  conspicuously absent.

Against this dismal backdrop , Ashraff’s vision   for his people of an oasis in the bleak desert is turning into a mirage.

In such a situation party loyalists and those concerned about the welfare of the Muslim community will no doubt focus on MHM Ashraff’s  memory at least for some consolation on the occasion of his tenth death anniversary. (DBS Jayaraj) (DBS Jeyaraj can be reached at djeyaraj2005@yahoo.com)

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